PEOPLE FOR NUCLEAR DISARMAMENT(PND) NSW
HUMAN SURVIVAL PROJECT
THE HON. JULIE BISHOP
FOREIGN MINSTER
6273-4112, 08 9388 0299
cc
Australia Geneva Mission 41 (22) 799 91 75
DFAT
Tanya Plibersek
Anthony Albanese
Senator Scott Ludlum
Senator Lee Rhiannon
Senator Lisa Singh
RE: OPEN-ENDED WORKING GROUP ON NUCLEAR DISARMAMENT GENEVA MAY 2016
Dear Julie Bishop,
I  am writing to encourage you and your government to take a more  proactive approach to nuclear disarmament at the Open Ended Working  Group that meets in Geneva.
I note that in presentations to the OEWG  in February, the Australian delegation pointed out that there are  'different approaches' to nuclear disarmament, and stressed the 'need to  engage' with the nuclear weapons-possessing governments (both official  and unofficial nuclear weapons states). I note also that the Australian  delegation stressed the 'genuine' nature of security concerns that might  lead some governments to assume that they might benefit either from  extended deterrence arrangements, or even from nuclear weapons of their  own – or from reinforcing rather then eliminating, existing arsenals.
Both  nuclear disarmament NGOs and governments that favour a somewhat more  urgent approach to nuclear disarmament than does Australia and the 18  government coalition with which we have (mistakenly) chosen to work are  hardly unaware of these considerations. They rightly draw conclusions  from the above considerations that are completely opposite from those  you seem to draw.
First of all they conclude from the increasingly  threatening international security situation that the elimination of  nuclear weapons, far from becoming something that can be put 'on hold'  until the security situation improves is more urgent than ever. And they  are quite right to do so. As the security situation deteriorates –  which there is every prospect that it will - the likelihood of actual  nuclear weapons USE, and the likelihood of the use of a significant  portion of NATO/US and Russian arsenals, increases. As that likelihood  increases, the imperative to eliminate those arsenals becomes more and  not less of an actual human survival imperative.
A human survival  imperative of course, beats or should beat, all other possible  priorities including the most pressing so-called 'security' priorities,  and indeed must itself be regarded as the security priority to beat all  possible other security priorities.
This also answers the 'genuine  nature' of the security considerations that might drive a reluctance to  eliminate nuclear weapons.
The problem is that it is the weapons  themselves are ARE the security threat, and even if my large neighbour  has got them, getting them myself (or asking my other big neighbour to  station some of his on my territory) merely paints a big target on my  backside, ensuring that if nuclear weapons get to be used I will be the  very first to be vaporised and making the likelihood of that taking  place all the greater.
The Austrian working paper on the Humanitarian  Dimension and Security (A/AC.286/WP.4) canvasses these security  arguments neatly. It notes that:
“The conclusions and arguments drawn  from the humanitarian initiative, thus, challenge the equation on the  security narrower dimension provided by nuclear weapons and nuclear  deterrence. They underscore a widely shared concern that a continuation  of a narrower security approach that rests and relies on these weapons  poses too high a risk that may be based on a precarious illusion of  security and safety.”
and:
“8. The argument that the humanitarian  initiative does not take the "security dimension" into account is  therefore misleading. To the contrary, it puts the security at the  centre of the debate and raises very serious issues and questions that  challenge the narrower security perspective of States relying on nuclear  weapons. Not only does the humanitarian perspective raise valid  concerns from the non-nuclear weapon States perspective as to the degree  to which their own and their population's security may be threatened by  the existence of these weapons in nuclear armed States. It equally  raises questions to what extent the very security argument used by  States that rely on nuclear weapons holds up to scrutiny. There is not a  lower degree of danger for people living in nuclear armed States, on  the contrary, they live under a heightened danger of a possible use of  nuclear weapons against their country.”
Even five minutes serious  thought will convince anyone who is honest with themselves that nuclear  weapons are not the answer to anyone's security problem and merely make  it worse – any more than wearing a suicide belt will make me safer. The  weapons are in themselves a security threat of the very highest order,  as the Austrian paper sagely notes.
Finally, there are indeed  'different approaches' to nuclear disarmament. However, the most  fundamental divide is not between those who want, e.g., a nuclear  weapons ban, and those who want, e.g., a nuclear weapons convention or  an interlocking framework. Nor is it between those who advocate a 'step  by step' (whatever that means) or a 'building blocks' approach vs a  'comprehensive' approach. (whatever that may mean.)
The most  fundamental divide is between governments who see nuclear arsenals as an  immediate and urgent threat to the security and possibly to the very  existence of everyone, and those who believe mistakenly that  notwithstanding the immediate risks posed to everyone, there are some  security benefits to themselves in retaining weapons that in reality are  as useful to national and international security as a suicide belt is  to the one who wears it.
If Australia (and the rest of the 18 nation  bloc) will recognise the existential urgency of eliminating nuclear  weapons, these questions of 'different approaches' will disappear like  the mirage they in fact are.
(There would for example, be nothing  wrong with a 'step by step' approach if the steps actually got taken.  And a 'building blocks' approach would be wonderful because the blocks  would be used to build with!).
There are a large number of paths up  the 'mountain' of nuclear abolition. And it is helpful and even  necessary, to climb by all of them at once. But one must actually climb,  up the mountain, and not aim instead for the bottomless abyss of  nuclear deterrence.
I will be in Geneva for the Open-Ended working  group. I trust I will see members of the Australian delegation there. It  would be wonderful if they were really and truly making a contribution  to the cause of nuclear weapons abolition with the enthusiasm and  commitment that this human survival issue demands.
John Hallam
People for Nuclear Disarmament
Human Survival Project
61-2-9810-2598
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