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 18 SEPT 2019





With 100 former Generals, defense ministers and secretaries, foreign ministers, and former prime ministers signed on to a declaration urging the UN to prioritise nuclear disarmament and risk reduction measures (see below) at the upcoming meeting of the General Assembly because the risk of nuclear war is greater than it has been since the 1962 Cuban Missile crisis, the resolution in Australia's House of Representatives urging Australia to sign and ratify the Nuclear Ban Treaty (see below) could not have come at a more timely moment.The motion was moved and seconded by Steve Georganas and Libby Coker.

Australia should in addition, prioritize immediate-term measures to reduce the risk of an 'accidental apocalypse'.

Coming up on Sept 26th is the International Day for the Total Elimination of Nuclear Weapons. On Sept 26th 1983, Colonel Stanislav Petrov of the Soviet Missile Corps took a decision amidst wailing sirens and flashing lights to ignore warnings of incoming US missiles because he felt 'there was a mistake somewhere'. Had he not been on duty that night, the (false) warning might have resulted in the launch of over 10,000 warheads at the US and its allies (including Australia), and the destruction of civilisation. Sept 26th is now the date for an annual High Level Meeting on nuclear disarmament, which Australia should prioritize.

Civilization is as close or closer to nuclear self destruction as it has ever been. The Ban treaty and measures to reduce immediate nuclear risk are of existential significance.

Steve Georganas and Libby Coker's motion should be supported unanimously.


John Hallam

People for Nuclear Disarmament (PND)

Human Survival Project

Co-Convenor, Abolition 2000 working group on Nuclear Risk Reduction

Australian Coordinator, Parliamentarians for Nuclear Nonproliferation and Disarmament (PNND)

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Motion 16 Sept by Steve Georganas MP and Libby Coker MP

That this House:


1) notes:

(a)the 74th anniversaries of the atomic bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki occurred on 6 and 9 August 2019 respectively, causing suffering which continues to this day;

(b)the ongoing impacts of nuclear weapons on survivors of nuclear testing worldwide, including in Australia;

(c)that successive Coalition and Labor Governments have joined all other treaties prohibiting in humane and indiscriminate weapons;

(d)that nuclear dangers are increasing worldwide, with no significant progress on nuclear disarmament in sight;

(e)the prohibition and elimination of nuclear weapons is an urgent

humanitarian imperative;

(f)the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons (TPNW) outlaws the world’s worst weapons of mass destruction, strengthening the international legal nuclear disarmament framework; and

(g)the TPNW complements and strengthens Australia's existing commitments under the nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty and the South Pacific Nuclear Free Zone Treaty; and

(2)urges Australia to work towards signing and ratifying the TPNW.



A few weeks ago, on the 6 and 9 August, it was the 74th anniversaries of the atomic bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki which killed approximately 230,000 men, women and children by the end of 1945 and caused disease, suffering and illness for generations and which continues still to this day.

By today's standards, those atomic bombs were the equivalent of rather small tactical sized nuclear weapons. They were not targeted directly on people during the war. Nuclear weapons test explosions have caused displacement, ill health and suffering in every region that they have occurred in, including here in our own backyard in Australia. And, more than half a century after British nuclear tests were conducted in Australia, the legacy of suffering continues today and those who were put in harm's way are still suffering those effects.

Radioactive contamination from nuclear testing is inside every one of us, causing cancer and chronic disease worldwide. Substantial progress has been made in the control of and towards the elimination of other major types of indiscriminate and inhumane weapons. This includes biological and chemical warfare weapons, antipersonnel landmines and cluster munitions—all of these weapons are now much less often produced, deployed, traded, used and justified as a result of treaties which ban them.

These treaties are based on the compelling evidence that each of these weapons can only be used in ways which will inevitably have indiscriminate and inhumane consequences, especially for civilians.

The treaties codify that these are unacceptable weapons which no nation should possess and which should not be used under any circumstances. Even though these treaties have not been joined by all nations, they have been a crucial basis in motivation for the progress made towards the elimination of these respective weapons.

Even nations which oppose and have not joined several of these treaties have been influenced by them as the treaties have become part of and have strengthened international law. The treaties that ban biological chemical weapons, landmines and cluster munitions have been joined by successive coalition governments and Labor governments, and each of those treaties now enjoys bipartisan and very wide community support. Yet until two years ago, there was an obvious legal gap in international law with the world's worst weapons of mass destruction, nuclear weapons—the only weapons which pose an existential threat to all humanity, being the only weapons of mass destruction not prohibited by international treaty.

This gap has now been filled with the negotiation and adoption by the UN of the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons in 2017. So 20 September, this coming Friday, will be the second anniversary of the opening for signature of this historic treaty. With the recent ratification of Kazakhstan, the treaty has passed the halfway mark with 70 signatures and 26 of the 50 ratifications required for it to enter into force.

Next week, during the opening week of this year's session of the UN General Assembly, on Thursday 26 September, there will be a signing ceremony at which a number of additional nations will sign or deposit their ratification of the treaty with the United Nations. This treaty, which completes the treaties prohibiting weapons of mass destruction, can therefore be expected to enter into force in the next year or two.

For its role in bringing about this treaty, the International Campaign to Abolish Nuclear Weapons was awarded the 2017 Nobel Peace Prize, the first Nobel Peace Prize born in Australia. This should be a source of pride for all of us. The treaty banning nuclear weapons could not come at a more auspicious time. The good-faith negotiations for nuclear disarmament to which all members of the nuclear non-proliferation treaty, including Australia and indeed all states, are legally bound are nowhere in sight. So not only is disarmament failing to progress but hard-won treaties that have constrained nuclear weapons proliferation and development are being progressively torn up, most recently the Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces Treaty between Russia and the US which ushered in the end of the Cold War.

An opinion poll late last year showed that almost 80 per cent of Australians want us to join the treaty. I am proud that at our national conference in Adelaide in December Labor committed to sign and ratify the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons in government. So it is past time for Australia to begin the process towards signing and ratifying the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons, and I commend the motion to the House.


The DEPUTY SPEAKER ( Dr Gillespie ): Is the motion seconded?

Ms Coker: I second the motion and reserve my right to speak.

Dr ALLEN (Higgins) (16:51): We're all aware of the attacks on

Hiroshima and Nagasaki 74 years ago. We know of the immediate

devastating effects that caused these cities to be flattened and their

inhabitants almost wiped out entirely, such was the force of the

atomic bombs. We also know about the long-lasting effects that saw

people die weeks, months and years later from radiation poisoning and

decades later from consuming irradiated food and water. I have been to

the Hiroshima Peace Memorial Museum. It was one of the most profound

experiences of my life. I wept as I walked from cabinet to cabinet and

story to story, following the harrowing narrative of how the shocking

events unfolded. Some cities would respond to such devastation with

understandable anger and resentment. Such sentiments could plague a

city for generations. Instead, the city of Hiroshima has chosen to be

known as a symbol of peace and prosperity, a beacon to all that

violence of this dimension should never be repeated. The Hiroshima

Peace Memorial is a moving tribute to the victims of the first city to

suffer a nuclear attack.


The precinct affected by the blast is now an area dedicated to the

advocacy of world peace and nuclear nonproliferation.


I commend the Australian government's longstanding commitment to

nuclear nonproliferation, which has been consistent, and with

bipartisan support, since signing the non-proliferation treaty. I urge

the government to work towards signing and ratifying the Treaty on the

Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons. By signing this treaty, we will send a

strong message to our international counterparts that the use of

nuclear weapons has no place on the global stage and that disarmament

and elimination of nuclear weapons is the only course of action.


I do not subscribe to the view of mutually assured destruction and that there is safety in having a bomb simply because our neighbour does. That is most certainly a very precarious way to maintain world peace. We in this place have an important job to do. We keep the economy strong and we help our citizens to be educated, healthy and free. But surely it is worth nothing if we are not safe? It may sound simple, but that is at the crux of it.


My strong opposition to the proliferation of nuclear weapons, however, does not mean that I believe Australia should shy away from exploring the option of nuclear power when used responsibly as an answer to the growing and pressing need to explore new energy sources in response to climate change.


I said it in my first speech and I will say it again: I believe that Australia is ready for a mature conversation on alternative energy sources, such as nuclear, which can only be moved forward with bipartisan support. Although Australia does not generate electricity from nuclear fuel sources, we're the world's third-largest producer of uranium and have participated in the nuclear fuel cycle for over 70 years. Social good institutions like the Gates Foundation are investing in nuclear technologies, such as fourth-generation technologies, that are smarter, safer and produce significantly less nuclear waste. These new reactors could provide a solid baseload, low-emission energy source and lead to stable, affordable power. I welcome today's announcement of a parliamentary inquiry into the use of nuclear power in Australia. It will consider the economic, environmental and safety implications of nuclear power, including small modular reactor technologies in Australia.


Successive Labor and coalition governments have maintained a bipartisan moratorium on nuclear in Australia. Let's ensure bipartisan support to sensibly discuss how to get to a carbon neutral future. We should not allow the events of the past to hold us back from exploring the possibilities of the future.



Ms COKER (Corangamite) (16:56): I rise to support the motion of the member for Adelaide. We have just passed the anniversary of the Hiroshima and Nagasaki nuclear blasts. Hundreds of thousands of people died as a result of those bombs, including Australian prisoners of war and troops sent in immediately after VP Day. Of course, the testing of nuclear weapons, whether in Western Australia, at Woomera or in the Pacific also led to many deaths from radiation induced disease. Nuclear weapons are weapons of mass destruction, and should not be present on the face of the earth.


Australia has a proud history of opposing such weapons, especially

those which are used on civilians. Out of the ashes of the war, we led

the way, through Dr Evatt and the Labor Party in establishing the

United Nations in the 1940s. We led the way in negotiating and

ratifying conventions against chemical weapons in 1972, and then

landmines and cluster munitions in more recent times. Gough Whitlam

ratified the nuclear non-proliferation treaty in 1973. That treaty is

still important in stopping the spread of nuclear weapons. However,

the nuclear non-proliferation treaty does not say that possessing

nuclear weapons is unacceptable. Its sole purpose is that weapons

shouldn't spread from those already possessing them, the nuclear hub,

to those who seek to acquire them. The Treaty on the Prohibition of

Nuclear Weapons was concluded in July 2017, with the support of 122

states. Unfortunately, Australia was one of those few countries that

did not vote for that treaty.


Worse still, under this Monday, 16 September 2019 HOUSE OF

REPRESENTATIVES 161 FEDERATION CHAMBER government, we didn't even

participate in the negotiation of the treaty, and we voted against the

2016 UN General Assembly resolution that established the mandate for

the negotiations.


Even earlier, our diplomats were instructed to derail a special UN

working group on nuclear disarmament in Geneva which recommended that

a treaty be negotiated. It isn't a proud record. Despite that, the

treaty now has many signatories and will hopefully reach the 50

ratifications needed to bring it into force in the near future. I for

one argue that Australia should work towards signing and ratifying the

treaty. It sends a message to the world that possession of nuclear

weapons is not acceptable. I congratulate Nobel Peace Prize winners

International Campaign for the Abolition of Nuclear Weapons, or

ICAN—an Australian-initiated NGO—on the wonderful work they have done

in initiating this treaty. The ALP is committed to working towards the

ratification of the treaty.


The ultimate environmental and human disaster would be a larger scale

nuclear war. I'm horrified about the spread of nuclear weapons. I note

the ramping up of Cold War rhetoric between the US, Russia, China and

other countries—behaviour not seen for several decades.


The Morrison government needs to show the leadership that ICAN has

shown, and we need to show leadership in a less rational world.


At our national conference last November, Labor committed that Labor

in government would sign and ratify the treaty, after taking into

account the need to 'ensure an effective verification and enforcement

architecture; ensure the interaction of the ban treaty with the

longstanding nuclear non-proliferation treaty; and work to achieve

universal support for the ban treaty.'


Critics of the treaty say that ratification will affect our strategic

alliances, especially our US alliance. This should not be the case,

and any issues should be able to be worked through.


The US alliance is very important to Australia and to the Australian

Labor Party. We should be able to continue with our military alliances

and, at the same time, express our opposition to nuclear weapons.

Support for this treaty will not affect our ability to host or

participate in exercises. It will not affect our capacity to host

bases, whether listening posts or military bases—these are separate

questions. What our support will do is indicate that Australia can

stand on its own two feet. We can stand on the right side of history

with those who don't have nuclear weapons and say that possession of

nuclear weapons is no longer acceptable.


The DEPUTY SPEAKER (Dr Gillespie): There being no further speakers,

the debate is adjourned and the resumption of the debate will be made

an order of the day for the next sitting.



Group Statement by European Leadership Network on Nuclear Arms Control



Ahead of the 74th session of the United Nations General Assembly, over 100 members of the European Leadership Network’s network of political, diplomatic and military figures call on leaders at UNGA to address rising nuclear risk, and renew commitments to international nuclear diplomacy and arms control.

The full statement and list of signatories is reproduced in English below, and is also available in FrenchGermanItalian, and Russian.


As world leaders prepare to meet this month at the United Nations in New York, we call on them to take urgent steps to reduce the risks of nuclear confrontation. We join a growing number of international leaders in raising the alarm over new nuclear dangers.

Last month we witnessed the end of the landmark US-Russia Intermediate Nuclear Forces Treaty (INF). Today, there are grave doubts over the future of the only remaining agreement that limits and regulates Washington and Moscow’s strategic nuclear weapons, the New Strategic Arms Reduction Treaty (START). And new challenges confront the Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty (CTBT).

Stability is eroding and risks are rising. North Korea has grown its nuclear weapon stockpile, tests missiles, and continues to feel threatened. The fate of inter-Korean and US-DPRK dialogue remains uncertain. Tensions are flaring between nuclear rivals India and Pakistan. And, following Washington’s unilateral breach and resumed sanctions, Iran may walk away from the nuclear deal that constrains its ability to develop nuclear weapons.

Moreover, new military technologies threaten to destabilise global and regional nuclear confrontations. These technologies are rapidly evolving and entirely uncontrolled.

The risks of nuclear accident, misjudgement or miscalculation have not been higher since the Cuban Missile Crisis. Complacency should not be an option. It is not only European security at stake.

Simply coercing an adversary will not restore stability. Politically unrealistic appeals for transformed behaviour will not build trust. An accelerating arms race makes both trust and safer behaviours harder to achieve.

It is possible to negotiate with adversaries without condoning unacceptable behaviour. Leaders must relearn the skills of past decades in finding ways to reduce shared nuclear risks in the absence of wider trust.

For their national and common interests, we urge leaders at the United Nations General Assembly to launch a new, shared project to reduce nuclear risks. This is all the more urgent as we approach the May 2020 Review Conference of the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT), which for 50 years has served as the foundation of the world’s nuclear regime.

We recommend that:

  • Russian and US governments should comply with existing commitments, maintain existing tools, and develop new approaches to deal with a more complex future. This includes the continuation of the INF Treaty’s core objectives (mutual nuclear restraint in Europe and no deployment of intermediate range delivery systems), implementation and extension of New START (with provisions for transparency), and intensification of existing talks on strategic stability to reduce the risks of miscommunication and miscalculation.

  • Moscow and Washington acknowledge their special responsibilities as the states with the largest nuclear arsenals and, through their resumed strategic stability talks, consider new constraints on nuclear competition and measures to preserve nuclear stability.

  • US-Russia talks should focus on the classes and postures of nuclear weapons and delivery systems – strategic and non-strategic, deployed and non-deployed – and of technologies with potential strategic nuclear effect that are particularly dangerous or destabilising.

  • Governments across the Euro-Atlantic region, home to over 90% of the world’s nuclear weapons and four nuclear weapon states, should step up engagement and develop concrete proposals to reduce nuclear risks. The deteriorating relationship between Russia and the West and breakdown of nuclear arms control fundamentally affects European security.

  • China and other nuclear weapons states should promote work on strategic stability. Multilateral efforts should be made to find effective mechanisms to engage nuclear-armed states not party to the Non-Proliferation Treaty.

  • World leaders should accept that:

  • nuclear stability will become so entwined with new technologies that states must collaborate if nuclear risks are to be reduced. The potential for disruption by non-state actors is unacceptably high;

  • rising complexity is neither a justification for discarding arms control arrangements nor an excuse for inaction in agreeing new measures;

  • the return to great power competition makes multilateral engagement on nuclear stability, transparency, and predictability more essential.

Only through cooperation on existential common interests can we build trust and stability. These shared interests demand a renewed commitment to collective nuclear diplomacy. Euro-Atlantic and global security depends on it.


Signed by members of the European Leadership Network’s senior network:


  1. Mr Fatmir Mediu, former Defence Minister


  1. Mr Alexander Kmentt, former Permanent Representative of Austria to the Political and Security Committee of the European Union

  2. Dr Wolfgang Petritsch, former EU Special Envoy for Kosovo & Former High Representative for Bosnia and Herzegovina


  1. Ambassador Vladimir Senko, former Foreign Minister


  1. Dr Solomon Passy, former Foreign Minister, former Chairman of the OSCE and UN Security Council

  2. Professor Todor Tagarev, former Minister of Defence, Head, Centre for Security and Defence Management, Institute of ICT, Bulgarian Academy of Sciences


  1. Ambassador Budimir Loncar, former Minister of Foreign Affairs of former Yugoslavia; former Special Representative of the UN Secretary-General to the Non-Aligned Movement

  2. Professor Ivo Šlaus, Nuclear physicist and Honorary President, World Academy of Art and Science

Czech Republic

  1. Jan Kavan, former President of the UN General Assembly, former Deputy Prime Minister and Foreign Minister


  1. Mr Uffe Ellemann-Jensen, former Minister for Foreign Affairs

  2. E Mr Mogens Lykketoft, former Foreign Minister; former President of the UN General Assembly


  1. Dr Tarja Cronberg, former Member of the European Parliament, former Chair of the European Parliament Iran delegation, former member of the Foreign Affairs Committee and Subcommittee of Security and Defence

  2. Ambassador Jaakko Iloniem, former Ambassador to the United States, former Ambassador to the CSCE

  3. Ambassador Jaakko Laajava, former Under-Secretary of State and former Ambassador to the United States and Ambassador to the United Kingdom

  4. Admiral Juhani Kaskeala, former Chief of Defence

  5. Dr Elisabeth Rehn, former Minister of Defence

  6. Professor Raimo Väyrynen, former President of the Academy of Finland; Former Director of the Finnish Institute of International Affairs


  1. Admiral (ret.) Alain Coldefy, Former General Inspector of the French Armed Forces

  2. Mr Pierre Lellouche, former Secretary of State for European Affairs, former President of the NATO Parliamentary Assembly, Councilor of Paris

  3. General (ret.) Bernard Norlain, former General Officer, Air Defence Commander and Air Combat Commander of the Air Force

  4. Mr Paul Quilès, former Defence Minister and former President of the Defence and Armed Forces Committee of the National Assembly of France


  1. Ambassador Tedo Japaridze, former Foreign Policy Adviser to the Prime Minister; former Minister of Foreign Affairs; Vice-Chairman, International Relations, Anakila Development Consortium

  2. Ambassador Valeri Chechelashvili, former Deputy Foreign Minister, former Minister of Finance


  1. Dr Karl-Heinz Brunner, SPD Politician and member of the Bundestag Defence Committee

  2. Ambassador Wolfgang Ischinger, current Chair of the Munich Security Conference and co-chair of the Euro-Atlantic Security Initiative, former Deputy Foreign Minister of Germany

  3. Mr Roderich Kiesewetter, Special representative for foreign affairs of the CDU/CSU-group

  4. Dr Angela Kane, former UN High Representative for Disarmament Affairs

  5. Ms Katja Keul, Greens Politician and former member of the Subcommittee on Disarmament, Arms Control and Non-proliferation

  6. General (ret). Klaus Naumann, former Chief of Defence Germany and former Chairman NATO Military Committee

  7. Dr Norbert Röttgen, CDU Politician and Chairman of the Bundestag Foreign Affairs Committee

  8. Mr Volker Rühe, former Defence Minister

  9. Mr Rudolf Scharping, former Defence Minister

  10. Mr Ulf Schneider, CEO and Founder, Schneider Group

  11. Mr Karsten Voigt, former politician and Coordinator of German-North American Cooperation at the Foreign Office of Germany

  12. Brigadier General (ret.) Klaus Wittmann, Former Bundeswehr General

  13. Ms Uta Zapf, former Chair of the Sub-Committee on Disarmament, Arms Control, and Non-proliferation and Foreign Affairs committee of the Bundestag


  1. Ambassador Balázs Csuday, former Permanent Representative to the United Nations and other International Organizations in Vienna

  2. Professor János Martonyi, former Hungarian Minister for Foreign Affairs


  1. Ambassador Giancarlo Aragona, former Secretary General of the Organisation for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE)

  2. Professor Francesco Calogero, Professor Emeritus of Theoretical Physics, Universita’ di Roma La Sapienza, former Secretary General of Pugwash

  3. General (ret.) Vincenzo Camporini, former Chief of Joint Defence Staff

  4. Professor Paolo Cotta-Ramusino, Secretary General of the Pugwash Conferences on Science and World Affairs

  5. Giorgio La Malfa, former Minister of European Affairs of Italy

  6. Admiral Giampaolo Di Paola, former Minister of Defence

  7. Professor Carlo Schaerf, Director and Chairman of the Board of the International School on Disarmament and Research on Conflicts (ISODARCO)

  8. Stefano Silvestri, former Under Secretary of State for Defence, former President of the Italian International Affairs Institute

  9. Ambassador Stefano Stefanini, Former Permanent Representative to NATO, Former Diplomatic Advisor to the President of Italy

  10. Dr Nathalie Tocci, Director of the Istituto Affari Internazionali, Special Adviser to former EU HRVP Federica Mogherini

  11. Ambassador Carlo Trezza, former Ambassador to Korea and for the Conference on Disarmament


  1. Mr Laurens Jan Brinkhorst, former Deputy Prime Minister

  2. Mr Klaas de Vries, former Minister for Interior Affairs and Kingdom Relations

  3. Mr Bert Koenders, former Minister of Foreign Affairs


  1. Dr Gro Harlem Brundtland, former Prime Minister of Norway and former Director General of the World Health Organisation (WHO), Member of The Elders and Board Member of the United Nations Foundation

  2. Mr Kjell Magne Bondevik, former Prime Minister of Norway and President of the Oslo Centre for Peace and Human Rights

  3. Mr Espen Barth Eide, Member of Parliament, former Foreign Minister and former Minister of Defence


  1. Professor Adam Rotfeld, former Polish Foreign Minister, former Director of the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (SIPRI)

  2. Mr Radosław Sikorski, former Minister of Defence, former Minister of Foreign Affairs, current MEP

  3. Dr Janusz Onyszkiewicz, Former Defence Minister and Chair, Executive Council, Euro-Atlantic Association


  1. Dr Ricardo Baptista Leite, PSD politician and Member of Parliament


  1. Ambassador Anatoly Adamishin, former Deputy Foreign Minister and Ambassador to the UK

  2. Dr Alexey Arbatov, Head of the Center on International Security, Institute for World Economy and International Relations, Russian Academy of Sciences

  3. Ambassador Alexander Bessmertnykh, former Soviet Minister of Foreign Affairs, former Soviet Ambassador to Washington

  4. Lieutenant-General (ret.) Evgeny Buzhinskiy, former Head of the International Treaty Directorate and former Deputy Head of International Military Cooperation of the Russian Federation Ministry of Defense

  5. General Vladimir Dvorkin, Lead scientist at the Center of the International Safety of the Institute of Economic and International Relations, Russian Academy of Sciences

  6. Professor Igor Ivanov, former Foreign Minister; President of the Russian International Affairs Council (RIAC)

  7. Professor Sergey Oznobishchev, Director, Institute for Strategic Assessments

  8. Ambassador Boris Pankin, Ambassador of RF (Ret), former Foreign Minister of the USSR

  9. Dr Dmitry Polikanov, Board member, PIR-Centre and former Deputy Head of the “United Russia” Central Committee

  10. Dr Sergey Rogov, Director of the Institute for the US and Canadian Studies of the Russian Academy of Science (ISKRAN)

  11. Dr Dmitri Trenin, Director of the Carnegie Moscow Center

  12. Ambassador Vyacheslav Trubnikov, former Director of the Russian Foreign Intelligence Service, current member of the Institute of World Economy and International Relations (IMEMO) and member of the Euro-Atlantic Security Initiative (EASI)

  13. Mr Igor Yurgens, Chairman of the Management Board, Institute of Contemporary Development (ICD)


  1. Goran Svilanović, Secretary General of the Regional Cooperation Council


  1. Dr Ana Palacio, former Minister of Foreign Affairs and former Senior Vice President and General Counsel of the World Bank Group

  2. Dr Javier Solana, former NATO Secretary-General, former Foreign Minister, President, ESADE Center for Global Economy and Geopolitics


  1. HE Mr Ingvar Carlsson, former Prime Minister

  2. Ambassador Rolf Ekeus, former Ambassador to the United States, former High Commissioner on national minorities in Europe

  3. Mr Gunnar Hökmark, Politician, former head of the Swedish delegation of the EPP, Chairman, Swedish Free World forum

  4. Henrik Salander, former Ambassador to the Conference on Disarmament, Secretary-General of the Weapons of Mass Destruction Commission


  1. Professor Mustafa Aydın, President of the International Relations Council of Turkey

  2. Mr Hikmet Çetin, former Foreign Minister

  3. Ambassador Ünal Çeviköz, former Deputy Undersecretary at the Turkish Ministry of Foreign Affairs

  4. Mr Vahit Erdem, former Head of the Turkish Delegation to the NATO Parliamentary Assembly

  5. Ambassador Osman Faruk Loğoğlu, former Ambassador to the United States and former Undersecretary of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs

  6. Ambassador Özdem Sanberk, Former Ambassador to the United Kingdom; Former Under Secretary to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs

  7. Ambassador Ahmet Üzümcü, former Director-General of the Organisation for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons


  1. Dr Anatoliy Grytsenko, former Defence Minister, former Chairman of the National Security and Defence Committee

  2. Mr Sergii Leshchenko, Member of Parliament and journalist

United Kingdom

  1. The Rt Hon. Bob Ainsworth, Former Defence Secretary

  2. The Rt Hon. Baroness Anelay of St Johns DBE (Joyce Anelay), former Minister of State of the Foreign and Commonwealth Office and Chairman of the House of Lords International Relations Committee

  3. The Rt Hon. Lord Arbuthnot of Edrom (James Arbuthnot), former Chair of the Defence Select Committee, Member of the House of Lords

  4. Sir Tony Brenton KCMG, Former Ambassador to Russia

  5. The Rt Hon. Lord Browne of Ladyton (Des Browne), former Defence Secretary, member of the House of Lords, and Chairman of the European Leadership Network

  6. The Rt Hon. Alistair Burt MP, Conservative Politician, former Minister of State for the Middle East

  7. Lord Menzies Campbell of Pittenweem CH CBE PC QC, Former Leader of the Liberal Democrats, Member of the House of Lords

  8. The Rt. Hon Charles Clarke, former Home Secretary

  9. Stephen Gethin MP, Scottish National Party Politician and spokesperson for Foreign Affairs

  10. Lord Hannay of Chiswick GCMG (David Hannay), former Ambassador to the United Nations and Chair of UK All Party Parliamentary Group on Global Security and Non-Proliferation in the UK Parliament

  11. Sir Nick Harvey, former Member of Parliament and former Minister of State for the Armed Forces

  12. Lord Kerr of Kinlochard GCMG (John Kerr), former Permanent Under-Secretary at the Foreign Office and Head of the Diplomatic Service

  13. The Rt Hon. Lord King of Bridgwater CH (Tom King), former Defence Secretary, member of the Joint Committee on the National Security Strategy

  14. General Sir John McColl CB CBE DSO , former NATO Deputy Supreme Allied Commander Europe (DSACEUR) and Lieutenant Governor of Jersey

  15. Mr Tom McKane, former Director General for Strategy and Security Policy, Ministry of Defence

  16. The Rt Hon. Lord Owen CH (David Owen), former Foreign Secretary, member of the House of Lords

  17. Lord David Ramsbotham GCB CBE, House of Lords, Crossbench Peer in the House of Lords

  18. General The Lord Richards of Herstmonceux GCB, CBE, DSO, DL (David Richards), former Chief of the Defence Staff, member of the House of Lords

  19. Lord Ricketts GCMG GCVO (Peter Ricketts), Former National Security Advisor, former Permanent Under Secretary and Head of Diplomatic Service, FCO

  20. The Rt. Hon. Sir Malcolm Rifkind QC, Former Foreign Secretary, Former Defence Secretary

  21. The Rt Hon. Sir John Stanley, former Minister for the Armed Forces, former Chairman of the Committees on Arms Export Controls

  22. Sir Adam Thomson KCMG, Director, European Leadership Network

  23. Lord Triesman (David Triesman), former Parliamentary Under-Secretary (Foreign and Commonwealth Office), former Chairman of the Football Association and former General Secretary of the Labour Party

  24. The Rt Hon. Lord Wallace of Saltaire PC (William Wallace), former Spokesperson for the Cabinet Office in the House of Lords and former Liberal Democrat Spokesperson for Defence and Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs

  25. Admiral the Lord West of Spithead GCB DSC (Alan West), former Chief of Defence Intelligence, First Sea Lord, Parliamentary under-secretary of state for Security, Counter Terrorism and Cyber Security. Member of the House of Lords

Last Updated on Wednesday, 18 September 2019 17:18